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彭斯演說全文中譯:中國應知道美國價值基礎之深厚,不會有消逝一天


彭斯周四發表美中關係演說。美聯社

美國副總統彭斯周四發表有關美中關係的演說,以下是中央社翻譯的演說中文譯本,以及白宮網頁的演說原文


謝謝大家的熱烈歡迎。新任董事長華克前州長、前眾議員哈曼,具有歷史性的威爾遜中心的各位董事們,各位傑出的學者,我很榮幸來到威爾遜中心。本中心的命名是為了紀念威爾遜總統,他是個偉人,在全球舞台上提倡美國的領導地位與自由。

今天上午,讓我以跟那一樣的精神,代另一位總統問候大家,他在國內與海外提倡自由,也就是美國第45任總統特朗普。

今天是一個重要的星期的結尾,土耳其剛入侵敘利亞。由於美國總統強有力的外交與經濟作為,同時因為我們與土耳其與庫爾德盟友的合作,敘利亞部隊能夠從邊界安全撤退,改由土耳其軍方控制。昨天,土耳其國防部證實永久停火,並停止一切攻擊性軍事行動。我們的部隊將要回國。

我很高興跟大家報告,透過這次停火,土耳其與我們的庫爾德族盟友創造了一個機會,讓國際社會可以成立一個安全地帶,我們相信可以為這個戰亂的地區重新帶來和平與安全。這確實是個進步。

因此,再次感謝讓我有這個榮幸來到這裡。能在此發表第一場佛烈德‧馬勒克紀念演講,是個特別的榮譽。認識佛烈德的人都知道,他是西點軍校傑出的畢業生,畢生服膺西點責任、榮譽、國家的校訓。他在給別人建議時,他經常引述西點學生的祈禱文,鼓勵他們「選擇較困難的正確道路,而非較輕鬆的錯誤道路」。

他了解沒有一個人、更不用說國家,能夠保衛國家而放棄價值。因此,為了紀念他,我今天在此要討論一個攸關21世紀命運的重要議題:美國與中國的關係。

本屆政府任期剛開始,特朗普總統就決心在坦誠、公平與相互尊重的基礎上建立與中國的關係,這是為了創造一個「更公平、更安全、更和平的世界」。去年10月,我講到中國對美國利益與價值造成很大傷害的諸多政策,從中國的債務外交、軍事擴張主義、對教徒的壓迫、打造監控全民的國度,到中國各項不利自由公平貿易的政策,包括關稅、配額、操縱貨幣、強迫技術轉移與產業補貼。

美國行政部門持續更迭,每任政府都知道有這些問題,但過去沒有一個政府願意打破華府建立已久的利益,不僅容許這些問題,甚至從中獲利。面對中國經濟侵略與侵犯人權的行為,美國政壇不僅保持緘默,而且往往助長這些問題。隨着一年一年過去,美國內地一家一家工廠關閉,隨着北京一棟一棟摩天大樓興建起來,美國工人愈來愈感到氣餒,中國則是膽子愈來愈大。

在不到20年間,就像特朗普總統所言,我們見到世界史上規模最大的財富轉移。在過去17年,中國的國內生產毛額成長了九倍以上,成為全球第二大經濟體。這個成長有很大部分是靠着美國在中國的投資所帶動。北京的行動造成美國對中國貿易赤字在去年達到4000億美元,幾乎佔美國對全球貿易赤字的一半。特朗普總統曾多次表示,我們在過去25年重建了中國。此話真是一針見血!但以後不會再這樣了。

歷史肯定將會記載,在不到3年之內,特朗普總統永遠改變了這樣的情勢。美國與它的領導人不會再單單指望經濟往來,能讓中國的共黨獨裁政權國家轉化成為自由開放的社會,會尊重私人財產與法治以及國際商業規範。特朗普總統的2017年國家戰略報告載明,美國如今體認,中國是個經濟與戰略對手。我可以提供第一手的證明,美國都市與農村的大多數民眾支持特朗普總統對美中關係的真知灼見。特朗普總統的立場也獲得國會兩黨的廣泛支持。在過去一年,藉着那樣的支持,特朗普總統採取了大膽果斷的行動,改正過去失敗的政策,增強美國實力,要北京負起責任,使雙邊關係走在更公平、更穩定且具有建設性的道路之上,以符合兩國與全球的利益。

特朗普政府就任時,中國原本將成為全球最大經濟體。專家預測,中國的經濟規模將在短短幾年之內超越美國。但由於特朗普總統推動大膽的經濟政策,一切已經改觀。在本屆政府上任初期,特朗普總統就批准美國史上最大的減稅行動,我們降低了美國的企業稅率,跟其他國家的企業稅率相匹配,我們減少聯邦政府法規到史上最低限度,釋放了美國的能量;特朗普總統力挺自由公平的貿易。

結果是,美國創造了世界史上最強大的經濟。這也是美國在國內史上經濟最強的時候。目前的失業率是50年來最低,就業人口創下新高。家庭收入中位數在過去兩年半成長了5000美元以上,這還不包括特朗普總統減稅與能源改革為工作家庭所帶來的節省開銷效益。因為有了特朗普總統的政策,美國民眾的財富增加了數兆美元之多,中國的經濟則持續落在美國之後。

為了給美國工人打造公平的競爭環境,因應不道德的工作條件,特朗普總統在去年宣布對價值2500億美元的中國商品課徵關稅。今年稍早,總統宣布,如果美中貿易的重要問題在今年12月仍未獲得解決,將對另外價值3000億美元的中國商品課稅。

為了保障智慧財產權與我國民眾的隱私權及國家安全,我們採取強有力的措施以抑制華為、中興等中國企業的非法行為。我們並且敦促在全球的盟友建立安全的5G網絡,不讓北京控制我們敏感的基礎設施與資料。

隨着我們經濟的成長,特朗普總統簽署一個世代以來最大幅度的軍費成長,過去3年,政府就在國防方面做了2.5兆美元的新投資,使得全球史上最強大的三軍更為強大。

為了讓北京了解沒有一個國家可以宣稱公海為領海,美國在過去一年增加了自由航行行動的步調與規模,增強我們在印太地區的軍事能見度。為了捍衛各地愛好自由的人民的價值,我們也點名中國迫害人民的宗教自由。中國有數以百萬計的少數民族與弱勢宗教信徒,面對當局消滅他們宗教與文化認同的企圖,中國共產黨逮捕基督教牧師、禁止販售聖經、拆毀教堂,並且監禁100多萬的維吾爾族穆斯林。

我們要求中國為迫害新疆的穆斯林少數民族負責,上個月,特朗普總統對中共官員採取簽證限制,並且制裁20個公安單位與8家中國企業,因為它們涉及對維吾爾人與中國其他穆斯林的壓迫。

我們跟台灣站在一起,捍衛台灣得來不易的自由,特朗普政府授權更多的對台軍售,並認同台灣是世界主要貿易經濟體,更是中華文化和民主的燈塔。

隨着數百萬人走上街頭,進行和平示威,我們代表香港人發聲,特朗普總統從一開始就說得很明白,必須用和平解決方案來尊重香港民眾的權益,一如1984《中英聯合聲明》所闡述。這些都是歷史性行動。過去沒有一位總統如此強烈的在美中關係之中推動美國利益。

針對美國的行動和決心,部分跨國企業說我們的經濟政策過於強硬,促進美國利益和價值觀不利於美國與中國建立更好的雙邊關係。當然,我們看法非常不同。

即便強權競爭如火如荼進行着,即便美國實力日益增強,美國仍希望中國更好。

因此,數十年來頭一遭,在總統特朗普領導下,美國對待中國領袖的方式,和其他任何一個偉大國家領袖的方式如出一轍,也就是尊重、一貫和坦誠。

本着坦誠的精神,我必須告訴諸位,從我自哈德遜研究所演說至今一年來,北京仍未採取重大措施來改善美中經濟關係。

還有在我們提出的其他問題方面,北京的舉止愈來愈具侵略性,也愈來愈不利於穩定。今年5月,在貿易問題上,多月辛苦磋商讓許多關鍵議題取得成果,中國卻在最後一刻打退堂鼓,撤回150頁的協議,讓雙方一切歸零重新來過。

特朗普總統依舊相信北京希望達成協議。我們樂見美國農民對最新第一階段協議的支持,希望能在智利舉行的亞太經濟合作組織(APEC)峰會順利簽署。

但中國明白,兩國之間仍有廣泛議題有結構性和明顯歧異有待解決,例如,即便中國領袖2015年在白宮玫瑰花園承諾,會停止相關作為,但中國依舊協助與唆使竊取美國智慧財產的行動。

今年7月,美國聯邦調查局局長告訴國會,FBI積極偵辦的1000起智財竊盜案件當中,多數與中國有關。美國企業每年蒙受數十億美元的智財權損失。這些數據背後牽扯的不僅僅只是業務,而是個人和家庭。

他們的權利被侵犯,天賦被竊取,夢想也跟着岌岌可危。自由企業仰賴民眾放手一搏追求抱負,只求一切的犧牲終有一天能有所收穫。當心血遭竊、汗水成泡影,這也重挫了我們整個自由企業制度。

去年發生一件又一件與中國有關的智財權竊盜案,特斯拉3月對一名前工程師提告。這名工程師在竊取30萬份公司檔案、竊走美國研發的自動駕駛技術後,跳槽到中國自駕車公司任職。

去年12月,美國司法部宣布偵破一惡名昭彰駭客團體進行了將近4年黑客行動,而這群黑客就在中國國家安全部工作。這些中國官員除竊走10萬筆海軍人員的姓名和個資,也竊取船艦維修資訊,嚴重威脅美國國家安全。

儘管中國承諾打擊中國芬太尼、鴉片類藥物,事實是,這些致命藥物同樣持續湧進美國邊境,每個月奪走數千名美國人的性命。

今天,中國共產黨在打造一個全球前所未見的監督政府,在至高點架設數億個監視錄影器。少數族裔必須在檢查哨依警方要求留下血液檢體、指紋、聲音紀錄、不同角度的大頭照,甚至虹膜掃描。

中國甚至把這些用在它獨裁政權的科技工具,出口給非洲、拉丁美洲、中東等地的國家。這些工具部署在諸如新疆這樣的地方,這些工具經常是在美國企業協助下部署完成。

北京也打破民間和軍方科技領域的界線,中國官方將此政策稱為「軍民融合」。依法律規定或國家主席下令,在中國的企業,無論是國營、民營還是外資,都必須跟中國軍方分享科技。

中國過去一年無論是區域間的軍事行動還是與鄰國互動,都日益挑釁,中國領袖2015年在白宮玫瑰花園承諾說,他們無意將南海軍事化,後來卻在人工島礁建築軍事設施並部署先進的反艦和防空飛彈系統。

北京同時加強運用他們所謂的海警船艦,例行性恐嚇菲律賓和馬來西亞的水手和漁民。中國海警甚至在越南外海以強力手段對待鑽探石油和天然氣的越南人。

2019年在東海,美國親近盟友日本為因應中國的挑釁,出動戰鬥機攔截的次數已一步步走向歷史新高。中國武警一連60天派遣船隻至日本管轄的尖閣諸島(釣魚台)周邊海域。

中國同時利用「一帶一路」倡議在全球各地港口站穩腳跟,雖說大多是為了商業目的,但這些商業目的最終都可能轉為軍事目的。

今天,中國國旗飄揚在斯里蘭卡、巴基斯坦、希臘等地的港口。今年稍早,據傳北京簽署秘密協議,要在柬埔寨打造海軍基地。也有傳聞說,北京甚至覬覦幾個大西洋地點,要當成海軍基地。

儘管特朗普政府將持續遵守一中政策,遵守中美三個聯合公報和《台灣關係法》,但中國透過金錢外交,在過去一年再誘使兩國與台斷交,改與中國建交,藉此對台灣民主施壓。國際社會永遠不該忘記,它與台灣的交往不會威脅到和平,而是會保衛台灣及整個區域的和平。

美國將始終相信,台灣擁抱民主,為全體華人展現出一條較好的道路。

過去一年,最能展現中共對自由強烈反感的事件,莫過於香港的示威。香港做為中國與廣大世界接觸的門戶,已經長達150年。香港是全球最自由的經濟體之一,有堅強而獨立的法律機構、活躍而自由的媒體,也有數十萬名外籍人士居住在此。從香港可以看到如果中國擁抱自由,可以有什麼成果,但過去幾年,北京加強對香港的干預,從事限制香港人民權利與自由的行動。而這些權利與自由是國際協議所保障的,也就是一國兩制。

特朗普總統已清楚說明,如同他所言,美國支持自由,我們尊重國家的主權,但美國也期望中國能遵守承諾,特朗普總統清楚說過,如果當局最後用暴力對付香港示威者,我們與中國達成貿易協定會十分困難。

從那時起,我很欣慰觀察到香港當局已撤回引發抗爭的逃犯條例。北京也展現一些克制。放眼未來幾日,我向你保證,美國會持續敦促中國克制,遵守承諾並尊重香港民眾,對數百萬在過去幾個月和平示威保護你們權利的民眾,我們與你站在一起。我們受你們的啟發。我們敦促你們維持非暴力抗爭的路徑。我們知道有數以百萬計的美國人為你們祈禱,對你們心懷敬意。

當中國在區域間和世界發揮影響力時,如同我去年所說,中國共產黨持續利誘與脅迫美國企業、製片商、大學、智庫、學者、記者和各州與聯邦政府官員,影響美國的公眾論壇,今天中國不僅向美國外銷大筆金額的不公平貿易商品,近期還外銷檢查制度,這是他們政權的標誌。北京利用企業的貪婪,試圖影響公眾意見,脅迫美國企業。有太多美國跨國企業在中國金錢和市場的引誘之下磕頭,不僅限制對中共的批評,也限制肯定美國價值的發言。

耐吉(Nike)自詡倡導社會正義,但到了香港,卻將社會正義擱在門外。耐吉在中國的分店下架休士頓火箭隊的商品,以響應中國政府對火箭隊總經理英文7字推文「為自由而戰,力挺香港」的批判。有些美國職籃知名球員和老闆經常行使批評美國的自由,但面對中國人民自由與權利的問題時,卻悶不作聲。美國職籃選擇站在中共的一邊,限制言論自由,像是所有權完全屬於那個極權政府的分公司。號稱進步企業文化卻惡意忽視侵犯人權的行為,那不叫進步,而是壓迫。

當美國企業、職業運動與職業運動員擁抱檢查制度,這不僅是個錯誤,而且不合美國的風格。美國企業應該要力挺美國價值,不論是在國內或在世界各地。北京的經濟和戰略行動,與形塑美國輿論的企圖,證明了我一年前所說的話,而且今天也還是一樣。中國想要有個不一樣的美國總統,而這是特朗普總統的領導發揮功效的最終證明。美國經濟每天都在進步,中國則在付出代價。特朗普總統的策略是正確的,他在為美國人奮鬥,為美國的就業與勞工奮鬥,勝於美國歷任總統。我向你保證,特朗普政府不會退縮。

話雖如此,特朗普總統表明,美國不想與中國對峙,而是追求公平的環境、開放市場、公平貿易以及尊重我們的價值。我們也不要圍堵中國的發展,我們希望與中國領導人有建設性關係,就如同幾個世代的美國人與中國人民的關係那樣。如果中國往前跨一步,把握這個特殊的歷史時刻,重新開始,停止長期佔美國人便宜的經貿手段,我知道特朗普總統已準備好,也願意展開新的未來。

就如同美國過去所為,當鄧小平推動改革開放政策,鼓勵與外界互動交流,美國以張開雙臂歡迎回應,我們歡迎中國崛起,我們慶賀6億人脫貧的顯著成就,美國對中國經濟興起的投資超越世界各國。美國人民希望中國人民過得更好。但要達成那個目標,我們必須因應當前狀態下的中國,而非我們想像或希望未來有天可能出現的中國。

人們有時會問特朗普政府是不是要和中國分手,答案絕對是「不是」。美國尋求與中國往來,中國也希望投入世界,但要往來,必須始終保持公平、相互尊重與國際經貿規則,但至今中共似乎仍抗拒真正的開放,不願融入全球的規範。北京今日所為,從中共在網路空間建立的防火牆,在南海抽沙建立的海上長城,從不信任香港自治,或壓制人民信仰,在在顯示數十年來,是中共背離廣大的世界。

我聽說習主席在中國共產黨內崛起擔任總書記後的一段秘密談話,中國必須認真做好準備,在兩種社會制度的方方面面既合作又鬥爭。他當時也告訴同僚,不可低估西方的韌性。這些話有其智慧。

中國絕對不能低估熱愛自由的美國人民的韌性,以及美國總統的決心。中國應該知道美國價值基礎之深厚,我們堅守這些價值的程度,一如建國的元勳。在美國,自由與民主的光明不會有消逝的一天。

美國是因為反抗壓迫與暴政而誕生。我國是由勇敢卓絕、堅定果敢、信心十足、堅守獨立與鋼鐵意志的先賢們所創立、安定與領導。兩個多世紀以來,並沒有太多的變化。美國相信人人生而平等,享有特定與生俱來的權利:生命權、自由權與追求幸福的權利。沒有任何事情能改變這個信念。他們就是我們,未來也永遠如此。我們將繼續相信,民主、個人自由、宗教與良心自由、法治的價值符合美國與全球的利益,因為它現在與未來都能構成最好的政府,可以釋放人們的希望,並且指引世界各國之間的關係。

儘管我們在美中關係上面對諸多挑戰,我可以跟各位保證,在特朗普總統領導下,美國不會允許這些挑戰阻礙與中國的務實合作。我們將持續秉持善意與中國進行談判,以達成彼此經貿關係早該達成的結構性改革。我今早再次聽到,特朗普總統對於達成協定依然樂觀。

我們繼續透過教育、旅行與文化交流加強兩國人民的聯繫。美國與中國將繼續秉持交往的精神,共同努力達成北韓在可驗證的前提下全面非核化。我們也將在武器管制與在波斯灣的制裁方面加強合作。

美國將繼續尋求與中國改善關係。在這個過程中,我們會有話直說,因為這是美國跟中國都必須搞好的關係。美國將繼續追求美中關係根本性的變革。在特朗普總統的領導下,美國不會動搖。美國人民與兩黨民選官員將保持堅定。我們將捍衛我們的利益,我們將捍衛我們的價值。在這過程中,我們將秉持對所有人保持慈善與善意的精神。

特朗普總統與習近平主席建立深厚的私人關係。在那個基礎上,我們將繼續設法改善關係,為兩國人民帶來益處。我們深信,美國與中國可以也必須共同打造和平與繁榮的未來,但那個未來唯有靠誠實的對話與善意的談判才能實現。

我以去年演說的結語,結束我今天的講話。美國在向中國張開雙臂,我們希望不久之後,北京也做同樣的事,但這次不要光是講話,而是有所行動,並且恢復對美國的尊重。

中國有句古諺說,人只能看到眼前,上天可以預見未來。在未來的時日,讓我們以決心和信心追求和平繁榮的未來。對特朗普總統的領導與對美國經濟與全球地位的願景有信心,對他與中國國家主席習近平建立的關係有信心,也對美國人民與中國人民長久的友誼有信心。同時相信上天能看見未來。

憑藉著上帝的恩典,美國與中國將共同迎接那個未來。謝謝,上帝保祐各位,上帝保祐美國。


Well, thank you all for that warm welcome.  And to your new chairman, Governor Scott Walker; former Congresswoman Jane Harman; and to all the members of the board at this historic center; and to all the fine scholars: It is an honor to be here at the Wilson Center, named after a President that was a great champion for America leadership and for freedom on the world stage.

And in that same spirit, allow me to begin this morning by bringing greetings from another President who’s a champion for freedom here at home and across the wider world.  I bring greetings from the 45th President of the United States of America, President Donald Trump.  

I come before you today at the end of a momentous week.  In the wake of Turkish forces invading Syria, thanks to the strong economic and diplomatic action of the President of the United States, and thanks to the cooperation by our Turkish and Kurdish allies, Syrian Defense Forces were able to safely withdraw from the border area that’s currently under Turkish military control.

And yesterday, Turkey’s Ministry of Defense confirmed a permanent cease-fire and a halt of all offensive military operations.  

Our troops are coming home.  And I am pleased to report that through this ceasefire, Turkey and our Kurdish allies have now created an opportunity that the international community can create a safe zone that we believe will restore peace and security for all the peoples of this war-torn region.  It is progress, indeed.

So thank you again for the honor of being here today, and it’s a particular honor to deliver the inaugural Frederic V. Malek Memorial Lecture.

Anyone who knew Fred would tell you that he was a proud son of West Point and that he lived his life by the words “duty, honor, and country.”  When counseling others, I’m told, he often quoted his alma mater’s Cadet Prayer and urged them to, as he would say, “Choose the harder right instead of the easier wrong.”

Fred understood that no one — least of all, nations — can defend their interests by forsaking their values.  So in honor of Fred’s memory, I come here today to discuss a subject on which much of the destiny of the 21st century will hinge: the United States relationship with China.

Since the earliest days of this administration, President Trump has been determined to build a relationship with China on a foundation of candor, fairness, and mutual respect, in order to achieve, in his words, “a more just, secure, and peaceful world.”

One year ago this month, I spoke about many of Beijing’s policies most harmful to America’s interests and values, from China’s debt diplomacy and military expansionism; its repression of people of faith; construction of a surveillance state; and, of course, to China’s arsenal of policies inconsistent with free and fair trade, including tariffs, quotas, currency manipulation, forced technology transfer, and industrial subsidies.

Past administrations have come and gone, and all were aware of these abuses.  None were willing to upset the established Washington interests who not only permitted these abuses, but often profited from them.  The political establishment was not only silent in the face of China’s economic aggression and human rights abuses, but they often enabled them.  As each year passed, as each factory closed in the heartland of America, as each new skyscraper went up in Beijing, American workers grew only more disheartened, and China grew only more emboldened.

In less than two short decades, we’ve seen, as President Trump has said, “the greatest transfer of wealth in the history of the world.”  Over the past 17 years, China’s GDP has grown more than nine-fold; it has become the second-largest economy in the world. Much of this success was driven by American investment in China.

Beijing’s actions have contributed to the United States’ trade deficit with China that last year ran to more than $400 billion — nearly half of our global trade deficit.  As President Trump has said many times, we rebuilt China over the last 25 years. No truer words were spoken, but those days are over.

As history will surely note, in less than three years, President Donald Trump has changed that narrative forever.  No longer will America and its leaders hope that economic engagement alone will transform Communist China’s authoritarian state into a free and open society that respects private property, the rule of law, and international rules of commerce.

Instead, as the President’s 2017 National Security Strategy articulated, the United States now recognizes China as a strategic and economic rival.  And I can attest firsthand, a strong majority of the American people, in the city and on the farm, are behind President Trump’s clear-eyed vision of the U.S.–China relationship.  And the President’s stand also enjoys broad bipartisan support in the Congress as well.

Over the past year with that support, President Trump has taken bold and decisive action to correct the failed policies of the past, to strengthen America, to hold Beijing accountable, and to set our relationship on a more fair, stable, and constructive course for the good of both of our nations and the world.

When our administration took office, China was on track to become the largest economy in the world.  Experts predicted that China’s economy would surpass the United States’ economy in just a few short years.  But thanks to bold economic agenda advanced by President Trump, all that has changed.

From early on in this administration, this President signed the largest tax cuts and tax reform in American history.  We lowered the American corporate tax rate to mirror other corporate rates around the world. We rolled back federal regulation at record levels.  We unleashed American energy. And President Trump has stood strong for free and fair trade.

The result?  America has the strongest economy in the history of the world.   And the strongest economy in our own history.

Unemployment today is at a 50-year low.  There are more Americans working today than ever before.  Median household income in the last two and half years has risen by more than $5,000.  And that doesn’t even account for the savings from the President’s tax cuts or energy reforms for working families.

Because of the President’s policies, America has added trillions of dollars of wealth to our economy while China’s economy continues to fall behind.

To level the playing field for the American worker against unethical trade practices, President Trump levied tariffs on $250 billion in Chinese goods in 2018.  And earlier this year, the President announced we would place tariffs on another $300 billion of Chinese goods if significant issues in our trading relationship were not resolved by December of this year.

To protect intellectual property rights and the privacy of our citizens and our national security, we’ve taken strong steps to curtail illegal behavior of Chinese companies like Huawei and ZTE.  And we’ve urged our allies around the world to build secure 5G networks that don’t give Beijing control of our most sensitive infrastructure and data as well.

And as we’ve grown stronger economically, President Trump has also signed the largest increases in our national defense in more than a generation: $2.5 trillion of new investment in our national defense just in the last three years.  We’ve made the strongest military in the history of the world stronger still.

And to make it clear to Beijing that no nation has a right to claim the maritime commons as territorial seas, the United States, in the last year, has increased the tempo and scope of our freedom of navigation operations and strengthened our military presence across the Indo-Pacific.

To uphold the values of freedom-loving people everywhere, we’ve also called out the Chinese Communist Party for suppressing freedom of religion of the Chinese people.  Millions of ethnic and religious minorities in China are struggling against the Party’s efforts to eradicate their religious and cultural identities.

The Communist Party in China has arrested Christian pastors, banned the sale of Bibles, demolished churches, and imprisoned more than one million Muslim Uighurs.

We’ve held Beijing accountable for its treatment of Muslim minorities in Xinjiang when, just last month, President Trump imposed visas restrictions on Chinese Communist Party officials, as well as sanctions on 20 Chinese public security bureaus and 8 Chinese companies for their complicity in the persecution of Uighurs and other Chinese Muslims.  

And we’ve stood by Taiwan in defense of her hard-won freedoms.  Under this administration, we’ve authorized additional military sales and recognized Taiwan’s place as one of the world’s great trading economies and beacons of Chinese culture and democracy.

And as millions have taken to the streets in peaceful protest, we’ve spoken out on behalf of the people of Hong Kong.  And President Trump has made it clear from early on that there must be a peaceful resolution that respects the rights of the people of Hong Kong, as outlined in the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration.

These are all historic actions.  And no President before has so vigorously advanced America’s interests in our relationship with China.

In response to America’s actions and resolve, some multinational corporations say our economic policies are too tough and that advancing our interests and our values runs contrary to better relations with China.

Needless to say, we see it very differently.  Despite the great power competition that is underway, and America’s growing strength, we want better for China.  That’s why, for the first time in decades, under President Donald Trump’s leadership, the United States is treating China’s leaders exactly how the leaders of any great world power should be treated — with respect, yes, but also with consistency and candor.

And in that spirit of candor, I must tell you that in the year since my Hudson speech, Beijing has still not taken significant action to improve our economic relationship.  And on many other issues we’ve raised, Beijing’s behavior has become even more aggressive and destabilizing.

On the trade front, this past May, after months of painstaking negotiations resulted in mutual agreement on many key matters, at the last moment, China backed away — backed away from a 150-page agreement, sending both sides back to square one.

Now, President Trump still believes Beijing wants to make a deal.  And we welcome the support for American agriculture in the new phase one agreement and hope it can be signed as soon as the APEC Summit in Chile this week.  But China knows there’s a whole range of structural and significant issues between our two countries that also must be addressed.

For instance, despite a 2015 promise in the Rose Garden by China’s leader to cease and desist, China continues to aid and abet the theft of our intellectual property.

Last July, the director of the FBI told Congress that of his agency’s 1,000 active investigations into intellectual property theft, the majority involve China.  American enterprises continue to lose hundreds of billions of dollars each year in intellectual property theft.

Behind these statistics are not just businesses, but people, families, and dreams threatened by the violation of their rights and the theft of their genius.  Free enterprise depends on the ability of risk-taking citizens to pursue their ambitions and reap the rewards of their sacrifice. When the product of their labor is stolen, when the sweat of their brow is made futile, it undermines our entire system of free enterprise.

Last year alone, there’s been case after case of intellectual property theft involving China.  In March, Tesla filed suit against a former engineer who’s been accused of stealing 300,000 files related to its own American-developed autopilot system, before bolting for a job at a Chinese self-driving car company.

And last December, the Justice Department revealed that it had broken up a nearly four-year operation by a notorious hacking group within China’s Ministry of State Security.  These Chinese government officials stole the names and data of 100,000 U.S. Navy personnel, as well as ship maintenance information, with grave implications for our national security.

Despite China’s promises to crack down on Chinese fentanyl and other synthetic opioids, the truth is, those deadly drugs also continue to flood across our borders, claiming the lives of thousands of Americans every month.

And today, China’s Communist Party is building a surveillance state unlike anything the world has ever seen.  Hundreds of millions of surveillance cameras stare down from every vantage point. Ethnic minorities must navigate arbitrary checkpoints where police demand blood samples, fingerprints, voice recordings, and multiple angle head shots, and even iris scans.

And China is now exporting to countries in Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East the very same technological tools that it uses in its authoritarian regime: tools that it’s deployed in places like Xinjiang; tools that it’s deployed often with the help of American companies.

And Beijing has also smashed the barriers between civilian and military technological domains — a doctrine that China calls “military-civilian fusion.”  By law and presidential fiat, companies in China — whether private, state-owned, or foreign — must share their technologies with the Chinese military.

And China’s military action in the region and its approach to its neighbors over the past year has also remained increasingly provocative.

While China’s leaders stood in the Rose Garden in 2015 and said that its country had, and I quote, “no intention to militarize” the South China Sea, Beijing has deployed advanced anti-ship and anti-air missiles atop an archipelago of military bases constructed on artificial islands.

And Beijing has stepped up its use of what they call “maritime militia” vessels to regularly menace Filipino and Malaysian sailors and fishermen.  And the Chinese Coast Guard has tried to strong-arm Vietnam from drilling for oil and natural gas off of Vietnam’s own shores.

In the East China Sea, in 2019, our close ally, Japan, is on track to scramble more fighter aircraft sorties in response to Chinese provocations than in any previous year in history.  And China’s Coast Guard has sent ships for more than 60 days in a row into the waters around the Senkaku Islands, which are administered by Japan.

China is also using its “One Belt, One Road” Initiative to establish footholds in ports around the world, ostensibly for commercial purposes, but those purposes could eventually become military.  We see now the flag of Chinese ownership flying today in ports from Sri Lanka to Pakistan to Greece.

And earlier this year, it was reported that Beijing had signed a secret agreement to establish a naval base in Cambodia.  And it is reported that Beijing is even eyeing locations on the Atlantic Ocean that could serve as naval facilities.

And while our administration will continue to respect the One China Policy — as reflected in the three joint communiqués and the Taiwan Relations Act — through checkbook diplomacy, over the past year China has induced two more nations to switch diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing, increasing pressure on the democracy in Taiwan.

The international community must never forget that its engagement with Taiwan does not threaten the peace; it protects peace on Taiwan and throughout the region.  America will always believe that Taiwan’s embrace of democracy shows a better path for all the Chinese people.  

But nothing in the past year has put on display the Chinese Communist Party’s antipathy to liberty so much as the unrest in Hong Kong.

Hong Kong has served as an important gateway between China and the wider world for 150 years.  Hong Kong is one of the freest economies in the world, with strong, independent legal institutions and a lively free press, and it’s home to hundreds of thousands of foreign residents.

Hong Kong is a living example of what can happen when China embraces liberty.  And yet, for the last few years, Beijing has increased its interventions in Hong Kong and engaged in actions to curtail the rights and liberties of its people — rights and liberties that were guaranteed through a binding international agreement of “one country, two systems.”

But President Trump has been clear, as he said in his words, “The United States stands for liberty.”   We respect the sovereignty of nations. But America expects Beijing to honor its commitments, and President Trump has repeatedly made it clear it would be much harder for us to make a trade deal if the authorities resort to the use of violence against protestors in Hong Kong.  

Since then, I’m pleased to observe that Hong Kong authorities have withdrawn the extradition bill that sparked the protests in the first place, and Beijing has shown some restraint.

In the days ahead, I can assure you, the United States will continue to urge China to show restraint, to honor its commitments, and respect the people of Hong Kong.  And to the millions in Hong Kong who have been peacefully demonstrating to protect your rights these past months, we stand with you. We are inspired by you, and we urge you to stay on the path of nonviolent protest.  But know that you have the prayers and the admiration of millions of Americans.

As China has exercised its influence across the region and across the world, as I said last year, the Chinese Communist Party is also continuing to reward and coerce American businesses, movie studios, universities, think tanks, scholars, journalists, and local, state, and federal officials to influence the public debate here in America.

Today, China is not only exporting hundreds of billions of dollars in unfairly traded goods to the United States, but lately China has also been trying to export censorship — the hallmark of its regime.  By exploiting corporate greed, Beijing is attempting to influence American public opinion, coercing corporate America.

And far too many American multinational corporations have kowtowed to the lure of China’s money and markets by muzzling not only criticism of the Chinese Communist Party, but even affirmative expressions of American values.

Nike promotes itself as a so called “social justice champion,” but when it comes to Hong Kong, it prefers checking its social conscience at the door.  Nike stores in China actually removed their Houston Rockets merchandise from their shelves to join the Chinese government in protest against the Rockets general manager’s seven-word tweet, which read: “Fight for Freedom.  Stand with Hong Kong.”

And some of the NBA’s biggest players and owners, who routinely exercise their freedom to criticize this country, lose their voices when it comes to the freedom and rights of the people of China.  In siding with the Chinese Communist Party and silencing free speech, the NBA is acting like a wholly owned subsidiary of the authoritarian regime.

A progressive corporate culture that willfully ignores the abuse of human rights is not progressive; it is repressive.  

When American corporations, professional sports, pro athletes embrace censorship, it’s not just wrong; it’s un-American.  American corporations should stand up for American values here at home and around the world.  

And Beijing’s economic and strategic actions, its attempts to shape American public opinion, prove out what I said a year ago and it’s just as true today: China wants a different American President, which is the ultimate proof that President Trump’s leadership is working.

America’s economy is growing stronger by the day, and China’s economy is paying the price.  The President’s strategy is correct. He’s fighting for the American people, for American jobs and American workers like no one has before.  And I promise you this administration will not stand down.  

That said, the President has also made it clear the United States does not seek confrontation with China.  We seek a level playing field, open markets, fair trade, and a respect for our values.

We are not seeking to contain China’s development.  We want a constructive relationship with China’s leaders, like we have enjoyed for generations with China’s people.  And if China will step forward and seize this unique moment in history to start anew by ending the trade practices that have taken advantage of the American people for far too long, I know President Donald Trump is ready and willing to begin that new future — just as America has done in the past.

When Deng Xiaoping’s “Reform and Opening” policy encouraged engagement and exchange with the outside world, the United States responded with open arms.  We welcomed China’s rise. We celebrated the remarkable accomplishment of 600 million people lifting themselves out of poverty. And America invested more than any other nation in China’s economic resurgence.

The American people want better for the people of China.  But in pursuit of that end, we must take China as it is, not as we imagine or hope it might be someday.

And people sometimes ask whether the Trump administration seeks to “de-couple” from China.  The answer is a resounding “no.” The United States seeks engagement with China and China’s engagement with the wider world, but engagement in a manner consistent with fairness, mutual respect, and the international rules of commerce.

But, so far, it appears the Chinese Communist Party continues to resist a true opening or a convergence with global norms.

All that Beijing is doing today, from the Party’s great firewall in cyberspace or to that great wall of sand in the South China Sea, from their distrust of Hong Kong’s autonomy, or their repression of people of faith all demonstrate that it’s the Chinese Communist Party that has been “de-coupling” from the wider world for decades.

President Xi himself, I’m told, said in a once-secret speech shortly after his rise as Party General Secretary that China must “conscientiously prepare for all aspects of long-term cooperation and struggle between the two social systems.”  He also told his colleagues at that time not to underestimate the resilience of the West. And there was wisdom in those words.

China should never underestimate the resilience of the freedom-loving people of America or the resolve of the President of the United States.  China should know that the United States’ values run deep, that our commitment to these values remains as strong as it was for our Founding Fathers, and that there will never be a day when the bright light of democracy and freedom goes out in America. 

America was born out of rebellion against repression and tyranny.  Our nation was founded, settled, and pioneered by men and women of extraordinary valor, rugged determination, faith, and fiery independence and an iron will.  And nothing has changed much in the centuries that have passed.

Americans believe that all men and women are created equal and we’re endowed by our Creator with certain inalienable rights: life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.  And nothing will change these beliefs. They are who we are. They are who we will always be.

And we will continue to believe that the values of democracy — of individual liberty, of freedom of religion and conscience, the rule of law — serve American and global interests because they are, and will ever be, the best form of government to unleash human aspirations and guide the relations between all the world’s nations and peoples.

Despite the many challenges we face in the United States-China relationship, I can assure you that under the leadership of President Donald Trump, the United States will not allow these challenges to foreclose practical cooperation with China.

We will continue to negotiate in good faith with China to bring about long-overdue structural reforms in our economic relationship.  And as I heard again from him this morning, President Trump remains optimistic that an agreement can be reached.

We’ll continue to forge bonds between our two peoples through education, travel, and cultural exchange.

China and the United States will also continue in a spirit of engagement to work together to secure the full, final, and verifiable denuclearization of North Korea.

And we will seek greater cooperation on arms control and the enforcement of U.S. sanctions in the Persian Gulf.

America will continue to seek a better relationship with China.  And as we do so, we will speak plainly, because this is a relationship that both the United States and China have to get right.

America will continue to seek a fundamental restructuring of our relationship with China.  And under the leadership of President Donald Trump, America will stay the course. The American people and their elected officials in both parties will stay resolved.  We will defend our interests. We will defend our values. And we will do so in a spirit of charity and good will for all.  

President Trump has forged a strong personal relationship with President Xi.  And on that foundation, we will continue to look for ways to strengthen our relationship for the betterment of both of our peoples.

And we fervently believe the United States and China can and must work to share a peaceful and prosperous future together.  But only honest dialogue and good-faith negotiations can make that future a reality.

And so, as I closed my speech a year ago, so I close today: America is reaching out our hand to China.  And we hope that, soon, Beijing will reach back, this time with deeds, not words, and with renewed respect for America.

There is an ancient Chinese proverb that reads, “Men see only the present, but Heaven sees the future.”  As we go forward, let us pursue a future of peace and prosperity with resolve and faith. Faith in President Trump’s leadership and vision for our economy and our place in the world, and faith in the relationship that he has forged with President Xi of China and in the enduring friendship between the American people and the Chinese people.  And faith that Heaven sees the future — and by God’s grace, America and China will meet that future together.

Thank you.  God bless you.  And God bless the United States of America. 




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